The Puzzle of Argument Structure Mismatch in Gapping.
Frontiers in psychology
2022; 13: 907823
Voice mismatch between conjuncts is impossible in the gapping construction. Some recent studies explained this effect by analyzing gapping as involving the ellipsis of a category at least as large as VoiceP. One prediction this analysis makes is that mismatch of any head structurally lower than Voice (e.g., little v) should not be possible in gapping. In this study, through a series of acceptability judgment experiments examining argument structure mismatches in gapping, we provide empirical observations that challenge this prediction.
View details for DOI 10.3389/fpsyg.2022.907823
View details for PubMedID 35719600
View details for PubMedCentralID PMC9205392
Island-sensitivity of two different interpretations of why in Chinese.
Frontiers in psychology
2022; 13: 1059823
It has been assumed that the wh-element weishenme "why" in Chinese has two distinct interpretations: a reason reading, which typically yields yinwei "because"-answers, and a purpose reading, which typically triggers weile "in order to"-answers. It is claimed that the two interpretations differ in island sensitivity: the reason weishenme is sensitive to islands while the purpose weishenme is not. Assuming that the reason weishenme is a wh-adverb without finer internal structure, while the purpose weishenme is a wh-PP consisting of the preposition wei "for" and a wh-DP shenme "what," this contrast in island sensitivity can be considered as an instance of a broader generalization: the so-called argument-adjunct asymmetry (or the DP-adverb asymmetry) of wh-in-situ island sensitivity. However, recent experimental studies provided mixed findings on whether the argument-adjunct asymmetry of wh-in-situ island sensitivity actually holds. The current study focuses on the two interpretations of weishenme "why/for what" in Chinese, and provides evidence using a formal acceptability judgment experiment that the two weishenmes are both sensitive to islands, contrary to previous generalizations. Our results provide further empirical challenge to the so-called argument-adjunct asymmetry of wh-in-situ island sensitivity.
View details for DOI 10.3389/fpsyg.2022.1059823
View details for PubMedID 36743595
- CHINESE WH-IN-SITU AND ISLANDS: A FORMAL JUDGMENT STUDY LINGUISTIC INQUIRY 2020; 51 (3): 611-623